By R. Stephen Humphreys
Prior to the caliphate of the 'Uthman b. 'Affan, the Muslim group had grown from energy to energy despite a sequence of significant crises--the Hirah, the dying of the Prophet, the Riddah wars, the assassination of 'Umar by means of a Persian slave. yet 'Uthman's reign led to disaster. His lack of ability to control the social and political conflicts that have been now rising between quite a few factions in the neighborhood ended in his demise by the hands of Muslim rebels. the implications of this tragic occasion have been sour: not just a century of civil warfare, but in addition political and non secular schisms of such intensity that they have got now not been fullyyt healed even now. so much medieval Muslim historians advised this tale in an openly partisan demeanour, yet al-Tabari calls for extra of his readers. to start with, they need to make a decision for themselves, at the foundation of hugely ambigous facts, even if 'Uthman's demise was once tyrannicide or homicide. yet, greater than that, they need to ask how any such factor may have occurred in any respect; what had the Muslims performed to lead to the near-destruction in their neighborhood?
Al-Tabari provides this problem inside of a vast framework. For, even whereas the inner hindrance that issued in 'Uthman's loss of life used to be coming to a head, the wars opposed to Byzantium and Persia persevered. the 1st expeditions into North Africa, the conquest of Cyprus, the temporary destruction of the Byzantine fleet on the conflict of the Masts, the bloody campaigns in Armenia, the Caucasus, and Khurasan are all right here, in narratives that shift continuously among tough reporting and pious legend. Muslim forces preserve the offensive, yet there are not any less difficult victories; henceforth, soreness and patience could be the hallmarks of the hero. so much evocative within the mild of 'Uthman's destiny is the relocating account of the homicide of the final Sasanian king, Yazdagird III--a guy betrayed by means of his nobles and topics, yet so much of all by way of his personal personality.
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Additional info for The History of al-Ṭabarī, Vol. 15: The Crisis of the Early Caliphate: The Reign of ‘Uthman A.D. 644-656/A.H. 24-35
He asked him for a statement in which all knowledge (urn ) would be united, and 'Umar wrote to him (as follows): " Love for the people what you love for yourself, and hate for them what you hate for yourself. ikmah) for you. And regard the people as your closest concern. " ('Umar) wrote back, "(There are ) four fingers of truth in what the eyes see, 45. Al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrami was Abu Bakr 's general in Baltrayn during the Riddah wars, and later played a role in the Persian wars under 'Umar, who did not really trust him.
Abd Khayr28-'Abdallah b. 'Ukaym:29 When the argument broke out between Ibn Masud and Sa'd concerning the loan that 'Abdallah had extended to him and that Sa'd was unable to repay, 'Uthman was angry at both of them. He snatched (Kufah) away from Sa'd and fired him. He was angry at 'Abdallah but retained him in office. The Hudhayl tribe resided in the hills between Mecca and al-Ta'if, and was closely linked genealogically to the Quraysh. They joined Quraysh in opposing Muhammad, and were only brought over to Islam at the conquest of Mecca in 630.
Affin made the pilgrimage this year. As regards disagreement concerning those conquests, which some people ascribe to the time of 'Umar and others to the reign of 'Uthman, I have previously mentioned in this book such differences of opinion under the date of each conquest at issue. than Abu Mikhnaf's dating. See Andreas N. Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century (Amsterdam: 19751,111, 30, 269. 1 am indebted to my colleague John M. Barker for these references. Here and elsewhere, "Byzantine" translates Rum/Rtimi-that is, "Roman," which is of course what the Byzantines called themselves-in Greek, Rhomaioi.