By Tareq Ismael
Canada and the Arab international examines the real matters that experience arisen long ago many years that contain Canada's dealings with and realizing of heart jap nations.
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Extra resources for Canada and the Arab World
As a result of this contradiction, the administration faced strong domestic opposition to the intended move and the policy entered the arena of public debate. Ambassador Robert Stanfield's mission re-examined Canadian Middle East policy in the light of Middle East issues and Canadian interests. Whether or not the Clark administration would have changed the direction of Canadian policy in the area in line with Stanfield's recommendations or reverted to the traditional disguise of neutrality is an academic question.
Historically, small powers have had to become allies of great powers for their defense. As a result, their freedom of action in international affairs is limited. "Peacekeeping," as it is now practiced by the United Nations, had its inception in the Suez War of 1956. M. BURNS Egypt in clear violation of their obligations under the United Nations Charter. The Canadian government decided that we should not take the side of our "motherlands," France and Britain, in their quarrel with Egypt. Lester Pearson was secretary of state for External Affairs when the Suez crisis erupted.
Canadians should be prepared to pay a price in economic well-being if this would promote other vital interests, notably peace, justice, and independence. Fortunately, the necessity for choice does not arise in relations with the Middle East; all four of Canada's most vital interests call for policies that would improve political relations with the Arab countries. Although all-out nuclear war may seem improbable, the possibility cannot be excluded. If the world does stumble into Armageddon, the initial spark seems more likely to be lit in the Middle East than anywhere else.