By Shimon Peres
Israel’s present president provides us a dramatic and revelatory biography of Israel’s founding father and primary best minister.
Shimon Peres used to be in his early twenties whilst he first met David Ben-Gurion. even if the nation that Ben-Gurion may lead via warfare and peace had no longer but declared its precarious independence, the “Old Man,” as he was once referred to as even then, was once already a mythic determine. Peres, who got here of age within the cupboards of Ben-Gurion, is uniquely positioned to rouse this determine of stirring contradictions—a prophetic visionary and a canny pragmatist who early grasped the need of compromise for nationwide survival. Ben-Gurion supported the 1947 United countries Partition Plan for Palestine, even though it intended surrendering a two-thousand-year-old dream of Jewish payment within the whole land of Israel. He granted the Orthodox their first exemptions from army carrier regardless of his personal deep secular commitments, and he reached out to Germany within the aftermath of the Holocaust, realizing that Israel would want as many powerful alliances as attainable in the ecu community.
A protégé of Ben-Gurion and himself a mythical determine at the foreign political degree, Shimon Peres brings to his account of Ben-Gurion’s lifestyles and towering achievements the profound perception of a statesman who stocks Ben-Gurion’s dream of a contemporary, democratic Jewish geographical region that lives in peace and safeguard along its Arab associates. In Ben-Gurion, Peres sees a ignored version of management that Israel and the area desperately desire within the twenty-first century.
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Extra info for Ben-Gurion: A Political Life
He certainly was not "soft" on Communism or the Soviet Union. But Hussein had a lively premonition of Egyptian hostility, should Jordan join Iraq in a new regional alliance, and of the unpopularity with Jordan's Palestinian majority of such alliance. Hussein also knew that under existing arrangements, Jordan had all it needed for its security and that joining the Baghdad Pact offered little that was of real national significance. Tawfiq Abu'l Huda, Jordan's prime minister, opposed accession. He was a staunch believer in the Hashemite Entity.
The candidates could, and usually did, act within limits of the Political Parties Law of 1955, which regulated the licensing of parties at the cabinet's unrefutable discretion. The "opposition," a loose term for those candidates known to be critical of the Hashemite Entity, obtained an absolute majority in the Chamber of Deputies, by returning twenty-two deputies out of forty (including those of the Muslim Brothers, not nominally a party). To these must be added two "independents": Dr. Da'ud al-Husayni, a relative of the former Mufti Hajj Amin al-Husayni, who was still outside the pale of toleration, and the maverick chief of the Banu Sakhr, 'Akif al-Fa'iz, representing the northern beduin.
It was a somewhat ambiguous position for the majority group in the government, the National Socialists, and it did not give them strength for the troubles ahead. Hussein stood for a state that not merely was independent as a nonnegotiable principle, but also, under the stresses of the Cairo-Baghdad polarization, had struck out on its own. Optimally, this meant a nation-state based on the native people of Transjordan, both the settled and the beduin. The king, who was the origination of all policy, might be persuaded to compromise to some extent for the time being but would certainly retain his position as the arbiter in difficult or controversial questions.