By Jeremy Gilbert
What does 'anticapitalism' rather suggest for the politics and tradition of the twenty-first century?
Anticapitalism is an concept which, regardless of going worldwide, continues to be rooted within the neighborhood, persisting as a free selection of grassroots hobbies and activities. Anti-capitalism must strengthen a coherent and cohering philosophy, whatever which cultural concept and the highbrow legacy of the hot Left will help to supply, particularly during the paintings of key radical thinkers, equivalent to Ernesto Laclau, Stuart corridor, Antonio Negri, Gilles Deleuze and Judith Butler.
Anticapitalism and Culture argues that there's a robust courting among the novel culture of cultural experiences and the hot political hobbies which try and withstand company globalization. certainly, the 2 want one another: while thought can form and direct the massive range of anticapitalist activism, the strength and sheer political engagement of the anticapitalist stream can breathe new lifestyles into cultural studies.
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Additional resources for Anti-capitalism and Culture: Radical Theory and Popular Politics
At first glance these two set of developments might seem to be logically contradictory. On the one hand, neoliberalism tends to promote a general deregulation of most areas of social and personal life, the better to enable capital to pursue the invention of new commodities and new sources of profit. The immediate policy goal of neoliberalism is generally the spread of market relations to as many spheres of human activity as possible, by modelling many kinds of social relations (such as those between workers and employers, between teachers and students, even those between members of families) on the relations between customers, traders and competitors in an open marketplace.
Nonetheless, a great deal of Marxist and neo-Marxist theory in the twentieth century argued that prevalent forms of sexism, racism and homophobia were inextricably tied to the capitalist mode of production. Hence, to struggle against these phenomena effectively it was necessary to join the class struggle on the side of the workers (possibly through allying oneself to communism) and, conversely, any real progress against these different forms of oppression had to be seen implicitly as progress by the working class itself.
From a wider historical perspective, I would argue that what the New, Old, First, Second, British and American New Lefts had in common was immeasurably greater than what divided them. They were all committed to radical social transformation informed by values that were at the same time libertarian and egalitarian, collectivist and pluralist. For all of these groups the idea of democracy as a key value and one which should be expanded and promoted in the social, economic and cultural spheres as well as the conventional field of politics was axiomatic (Williams 1961: 332–43; Miller 1987: 23).